What is the “Nature” of the Philosopher in the Republic?

In Book VI of the Republic a grocery list of the desirable traits to be found in a philosopher are described by Socrates.  The list of virtues is long and encompassing: a love of learning of things that are (485b), no taste for falsehood (485c), a concern with the pleasures of the soul, not the body (485d), being moderate and not a lover of money (485e), not given to petty speech (smikrologia) (486a), believing that death is no great evil (486b), being “just and tame not hard to get along with and savage” (486b), learning easily (486c), has a good memory (486c), has measure and charm (486d).

Equally prominent in this discussion of what the virtues are is the continual emphasis that  Socrates places on nature.  We are left to puzzle about what the definition of “nature” is here, a term frequently and problematically employed in philosophical contexts.  The traits listed above are somehow desirable in the philosopher only if they are present by nature.  However, there is little discussion of what nature is, and what we are left with is a view of nature that consists in little more than whatever inborn proclivities one happens to have, as is exemplified in this statement about a man erotic by nature, “It’s not only likely, my friend, but also entirely necessary that a man who is by nature erotically disposed toward someone care for everything related and akin to his boy” (485c). 

This explanation of nature is further corroborated by the foreshadowing of the philosopher first seen in Book II.  There, Socrates and Glaucon agreed that they were looking for a chimerical kind of guardian, one who is, “at the same time gentle and great-spirited.  Surely a gentle nature is opposed to a spirited one”  (375c).  When they deliberate further upon this discovery, Socrates and Glaucon despair, since the combination of two opposed traits would appear to be a contradiction.  However, soon Socrates realizes that, “You know, of course, that by nature the disposition of noble dogs is to be as gentle as can be with their familiars and people they know and the opposite with those they don’t know”  (373d).  The explication of this “noble dog,” analogous to the philosopher, is telling, because it will inform us not only about Plato’s conception of nature here, but by extension the nature of the philosopher.  Socrates explanation of the dog’s behavior is not in terms of training, but something rather more inborn: “When it sees someone it doesn’t know, it’s angry, although it never had any bad experience with him.  And when it sees someone it knows, it greets him warmly, even if it never had a good experience with him”  (376a).  Thus it is not by training that the dog has learned to embody a composite of two opposed traits, for this would be impossible.  Furthermore, as Socrates analysis makes clear, the dog’s nature makes it immune to any training by experience which it could have undergone.  It is friendly to its owner by nature, and hateful to strangers by nature despite any exposure intentional or unintentional which could train the dog to behave in exactly the opposite way.  Thus when we are told that the philosopher is to hold certain traits by nature, this is to say that he should be possessed of these traits from birth, which manifest themselves in a disposition that easily expresses them.


Note: All translations from Allan Bloom, The Republic of Plato.

The Perceptive Daisy: I See You, I See You Not

Thus far in the Theaetetus Socrates, Theodorus and Theaetetus have begun to discuss the nature of knowledge, discussing the Protagorean (and simplistic) ‘man is the measure’ tagline as a prompt to their first candidate: perceiving is knowledge.[1]  What does Socrates mean, or more properly, what does he take Theaetetus to have accepted, by “perceiving is knowledge?”  One thoughtful and easily producible experiment on this thesis is offered by Socrates at 165a, to which I will now turn.

 Socrates: In fact I say this is the most incredible question, and I think it is something like this: is it possible for the same man to know what he knows and not to know what he knows?

 

Theodorus: What then do we reply, Theaetetus?

 

Theaetetus: It is impossible, I think.

 

Socrates: It is not impossible, if you make seeing knowing. How would you deal with the inescapable question, trapped inside a well, so to speak, when some intrepid person asks you, placing his hand on one of your eyes, “Do you see my cloak with your covered eye?”

 

Theaetetus: I will deny I see it with this eye, but with the other I say I can see it.

 

Socrates: So then, do you both see and not see the same thing?

 

Theaetetus: Indeed–– yet in this specified way.

 

Socrates: Yet I did not arrange the question in this way nor did I ask how, but whether that which you know is also that which you do not know. But now what you do not see you appear to see. And you happened to agree that seeing was knowing and not seeing was not knowing. Therefore from these things consider how it turns out for you.

 

Theaetetus: Yet I do consider that it is at odds with what I hypothesized (Translation mine, Theaetetus 165a2-d1). [2]

(Not all Platonic experiments on the eye are so compelling or provocative. Notably in the Timaeus, I think, it is given out as proof that light emanates from the eye on the grounds that if you squeeze it a light is seen!)

I really am attracted to this little scenario, especially in light of the current investigation as to whether perception is knowledge.  Perhaps I am taken in by the simple novelty of the experiment, attributing too much to it–– for example, Cornford seems to dismiss it as a “cavil” and sophistry unfair to Protagoras’ position.  Yet what is going on philosophically when the eye is covered?

Assuming that perceiving is knowledge, say we then proceed to cover one eye and look at an eye chart with our uncovered eye.  Socrates says this shows that we both know and don’t know, since we both see (with one eye) and don’t see (with the other eye).  This seems like an easy position to refute, even from a Platonic standpoint.  Elsewhere Socrates says that the eyes are merely instruments and that the soul is that which really sees; so in this case the soul, qua self, would know, yet could not be said to not know.

However, playing along, what does covering one eye and seeing with the other prove if perceiving is knowing?  That we neither know nor not know?  This seems absurd.  That we know?  Yet we also do not know, with the eye that is covered.  That we don’t know?  Yet we do know with the eye that is uncovered.  Perhaps then, it is a proof that we don’t know whether we know or don’t know, since we perceive that we both see/know with one eye and don’t see/know with the other, and to perceive is to know.  This then would be a self-defeating belief, it seems.

Furthermore, stepping away from the confines of this dialogue for a moment: is this a proof that seeing does not occur in the eye(s), but in the mind, and thus one explanation for how or why Plato created a distinction between the instruments of the self (body) and the self itself (soul)?

 

 


REFERENCES: 

[1] Starting at about 165a
[2] ΣΩ. Λέγω δὴ τὸ δεινότατον ἐρώτημα, ἔστι δὲ οἶμαι
τοιόνδε τι· “Ἆρα οἷόν τε τὸν αὐτὸν εἰδότα τι τοῦτο ὃ οἶδεν
μὴ εἰδέναι;”
ΘΕΟ. Τί δὴ οὖν ἀποκρινούμεθα, ὦ Θεαίτητε; (5)
ΘΕΑΙ. Ἀδύνατόν που, οἶμαι ἔγωγε.
ΣΩ. Οὔκ, εἰ τὸ ὁρᾶν γε ἐπίστασθαι θήσεις. τί γὰρ
χρήσῃ ἀφύκτῳ ἐρωτήματι, τὸ λεγόμενον ἐν φρέατι συσχό-
μενος, ὅταν ἐρωτᾷ ἀνέκπληκτος ἀνήρ, καταλαβὼν τῇ χειρὶ
(c) σοῦ τὸν ἕτερον ὀφθαλμόν, εἰ ὁρᾷς τὸ ἱμάτιον τῷ κατειλημ-
μένῳ;
ΘΕΑΙ. Οὐ φήσω οἶμαι τούτῳ γε, τῷ μέντοι ἑτέρῳ.
ΣΩ. Οὐκοῦν ὁρᾷς τε καὶ οὐχ ὁρᾷς ἅμα ταὐτόν;
ΘΕΑΙ. Οὕτω γέ πως. (5)
ΣΩ. Οὐδὲν ἐγώ, φήσει, τοῦτο οὔτε τάττω οὔτ’ ἠρόμην
τὸ ὅπως, ἀλλ’ εἰ ὃ ἐπίστασαι, τοῦτο καὶ οὐκ ἐπίστασαι.
νῦν δὲ ὃ οὐχ ὁρᾷς ὁρῶν φαίνῃ. ὡμολογηκὼς δὲ τυγχάνεις
τὸ ὁρᾶν ἐπίστασθαι καὶ τὸ μὴ ὁρᾶν μὴ ἐπίστασθαι. ἐξ
οὖν τούτων λογίζου τί σοι συμβαίνει. (10)
(d) ΘΕΑΙ. Ἀλλὰ λογίζομαι ὅτι τἀναντία οἷς ὑπεθέμην.

Were Plato’s Dialogues Verbatim?

There are generally a number of questions that come into mind concerning Plato’s chosen literary form, the dialogue; among them why and to what end, for whom and for what occasion.  Yet another realm of interest entirely is the process Plato used when he created his masterpieces of philosophical prose.  Few would consider Plato’s accounts as conversation chronicled for the benefit of future historical contemplation.  Even Plato himself is (paradoxically) averse to the written word in the Phaedrus, in which, among a flurry of allied criticisms, he charges that written words, static and thus muted, are insensitive to the needs of an audience.

Nevertheless, on Plato’s method of composition, there are some interesting tells in the beginning of the Theaetetus.  The dialogue begins with Terpsion and Euclid recounting a conversation Socrates has had with Theaetetus and Theodorus.   A second-hand account is not unusual, of course, as it is employed famously in the Republic, Symposium and Timaeus.  This frequently used technique perhaps is meant by Plato to predispose the reader against any inclination to accept the dialogues as first-hand reports from some embedded reporter.  Whatever their purpose, however, there are a few intriguing aspects of the process of writing that Plato lets us in on.


Plato’s dialogues were meant to be read aloud.

As Euclid is about to relate the story about Socrates, he tells Terpsion that his slave will read out the dialogue.[1]  Reading out loud was common in antiquity, and Plato was certainly well-to-do, if tradition is to be believed, so he would have had slaves, as here in specific, to read out loud from his personal library.


A dialogue was copied down after the fact, and then corrected over time.

Euclid tells Terpsion of this method of composition:

But I wrote down immediately some notes when I came home, and later, as I had leisure, I began to write down as I remembered, and every time I came to Athens, I questioned Socrates on whatever I was unable to recall, and then returning here I corrected it.  So that nearly the whole account has been written down by me (Theaetetus 143a1-5). [2]


A dialogue was meant to come across as dramatic and vital.

Terpsion also says, even though he heard the story from Socrates, that he is going to avoid repeating the dialogue as “Socrates said this was said” and “Socrates then said this happened.”

I wrote it down in this way, not as Socrates relating it to me, as he related it, but talking  with those with whom he told me he was talking….Now in order that the guiding words between the speeches not be vexing in what I wrote, such as “and I said” or “and I remarked,” whenever Socrates spoke, or “he consented” or “he disagreed,” for the interlocutor.  On account of these considerations, I portrayed Socrates himself as talking with them, ignoring such annoyances (Theaetetus 143b4-6, c1-5). [3]

Obviously, it is no surprise that Plato had an eye for dramatic flair, as he is still read today for pleasure, despite intro to philosophy classes’ best efforts to undermine this enduring interest.  But here we have a concession that, at least on some minor level, Plato felt free to omit certain aspects of the dialogue which were tedious, and which tended to draw away from the vivacity with which his dialogues are so closely associated.

Thus, we might be surprised to find, while it is impossible to expect Plato’s dialogues to be word for word, his profession as seen in the Theatetus claims a high degree of trustworthiness and adherence to what we hope were Socrates’ actual words.

 

 

 


 

REFERENCES:

[1] ὁ παῖς ἀναγνώσεται..  (Theaetetus 143b3)

[2] ἀλλ’ ἐγραψάμην μὲν τότ’ εὐθὺς οἴκαδ’ ἐλθὼν ὑπομνήματα,
ὕστερον δὲ κατὰ σχολὴν ἀναμιμνῃσκόμενος ἔγραφον, καὶ
ὁσάκις Ἀθήναζε ἀφικοίμην, ἐπανηρώτων τὸν Σωκράτη ὃ μὴ
ἐμεμνήμην, καὶ δεῦρο ἐλθὼν ἐπηνορθούμην· ὥστε μοι σχεδόν
τι πᾶς ὁ λόγος γέγραπται.

[3] ἐγραψάμην δὲ δὴ οὑτωσὶ τὸν λόγον, οὐκ ἐμοὶ Σωκράτη διηγούμενον ὡς διηγεῖτο, ἀλλὰ διαλεγόμενον οἷς ἔφη διαλεχθῆναι… ἵνα οὖν ἐν τῇ
γραφῇ μὴ παρέχοιεν πράγματα αἱ μεταξὺ τῶν λόγων διηγήσεις
περὶ αὑτοῦ τε ὁπότε λέγοι ὁ Σωκράτης, οἷον “καὶ ἐγὼ ἔφην” ἢ
“καὶ ἐγὼ εἶπον,” ἢ αὖ περὶ τοῦ ἀποκρινομένου ὅτι “συνέφη”
ἢ “οὐχ ὡμολόγει,” τούτων ἕνεκα ὡς αὐτὸν αὐτοῖς διαλεγό-
μενον ἔγραψα, ἐξελὼν τὰ τοιαῦτα.